Issue: 2.06 | June 1, 2001 | by:
Meir Shalev
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A Trap Israel Sets for Itself As it has every year since the Six Day War of 1967, Israel celebrated the
anniversary of the unification of Jerusalem last week. This is the last course
of our national yearly feast: within one month, we mark Holocaust Day, Memorial
Day for the War Dead, Independence Day and Jerusalem Day. And as always, the day
was characterized by Jerusalem's favorite salad a mix of diced politics,
religion and the military. That's how it is. Jerusalem has always preferred
occupiers to residents and graves to houses. The city goes on demanding her
daily dose, and no leader has yet arisen here either Arab or Jew who would send
her to a rehab program. But this year Jerusalem Day has a special stereophonic feature: while our
eyes are lifted dutifully to Mount Zion, our left ear hears fireworks exploding
and our right listens to shooting in Beit Jalla and Gilo. Those two
neighborhoods are only a kilometer away from my house, and right now, as I write
and I know it sounds like a journalistic cliché I hear tank and machine-gun fire
from their direction. Yet the real depression I feel has nothing to do with the sensation of life
under fire. Palestinians who live in Beit Jalla and Israelis who live in Gilo
experience the situation more acutely than I do. One kilometer away from there,
on this side of the Green Line, I'm still writing, still watering the plants on
the porch and even joking on the phone with an Italian journalist. He's a
positive sort of guy but a little hysterical, and he's calling to ask whether
the time has not come, Mr. Shalev, to consider emigrating to another country? No, sir, the time has not yet come, and I don't see it coming. It's true that
I've stopped driving to the Galilee through the Jordan Valley. And I asked my
kids not to go to shopping centers and markets that are targets for terrorist
attacks. No, the depression I feel right now doesn't yet have anything to do
with the fear that I or my family will be hit by a bullet or hurt by a land
mine. It comes instead from a simple disgust I feel for my own leaders and for
the Palestinian leadership. Fifty-three years after the Nakba, the "catastrophe," as the Arabs call the
establishment of the State of Israel, Yasir Arafat is still repeating the same
old Palestinian mistakes. Fifty-three years after Israel's victory in the War of
Independence, Ariel Sharon is once again showing us that Israel is not an
independent state. Of course, it isn't trampled by a foreign ruler. It has a
flag and army and national anthem. But Israel is an enslaved state, enslaved to
itself: it is fettered by fossilized thought patterns; manacled by ancient, even
primitive, concepts; burdened by the worst yoke of all the one it has imposed on
its own neck. In this respect, Israel is ripe for the appearance of a great liberating
warrior, one who will free us not from the yoke of foreigners, but from
ourselves. Someone like the sage Yochanan ben Zakkai who freed us in the first
century from sacrificial worship in the Temple, and like Theodor Herzl, who
freed us in the 19th century from passive waiting for the Messiah and
deliverance. And just as those two men, each in his own time and place, freed us
from the chains of conception and consciousness whose time had gone, so must the
next liberator free us from the tyranny of the territories and of the settlers
the trap we are in. As for this curse called "the territories" or "the borders of the Promised
Land" or "the tombs of our Patriarchs" depending on how you like to wear your
straitjacket I shall simply state that ever since the splendid victory in the
Six Day War, the State of Israel has been preoccupied with nothing but the
territories with them, their metastases and their consequences. The entire
possible budget for education, research, road building and desalination projects
has been influenced by them. Every government coalition has been created for
them. Every calorie both material and spiritual has been invested in them. Our
appearance and our nature grow ugly in their image. Our strength is running out
because of them. And worst of all is the prevailing notion that returning the
territories is a gift we give to our enemies the failure to understand that
giving them up is in the interest of Israel itself. To all that, Mr. Sharon has no response or revelation other than the drab
mantra: "I have a plan." He repeats it to us twice a day. There are those who
believe him: they assume that his plan is to drag the region into an all-out war
and to use that opportunity to expel the Palestinians to Jordan. And there are
those, like me, who think Mr. Sharon has no plan. He always was and still is a
limited man, a fossil bereft of vision or inspiration. And when I hear him say
his "I have a plan," it is hard for me not to remember the words "I have a
dream," which resonated so movingly to me in my youth. When I hear the shooting, I don't get scared. I don't really want to know
what Mr. Sharon's plan is. What is frightening to me is that it seems he doesn't have a dream. |
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Meir Shalev is the author of ``The Loves of Judith.'' This article was translated from the Hebrew by Barbara Harshav. |
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