| Issue: 2.06 | June 1, 2001 |   by: 
        Meir Shalev 
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      A Trap Israel Sets for Itself   As it has every year since the Six Day War of 1967, Israel celebrated the 
anniversary of the unification of Jerusalem last week. This is the last course 
of our national yearly feast: within one month, we mark Holocaust Day, Memorial 
Day for the War Dead, Independence Day and Jerusalem Day. And as always, the day 
was characterized by Jerusalem's favorite salad a mix of diced politics, 
religion and the military. That's how it is. Jerusalem has always preferred 
occupiers to residents and graves to houses. The city goes on demanding her 
daily dose, and no leader has yet arisen here either Arab or Jew who would send 
her to a rehab program. But this year Jerusalem Day has a special stereophonic feature: while our 
eyes are lifted dutifully to Mount Zion, our left ear hears fireworks exploding 
and our right listens to shooting in Beit Jalla and Gilo. Those two 
neighborhoods are only a kilometer away from my house, and right now, as I write 
and I know it sounds like a journalistic cliché I hear tank and machine-gun fire 
from their direction. Yet the real depression I feel has nothing to do with the sensation of life 
under fire. Palestinians who live in Beit Jalla and Israelis who live in Gilo 
experience the situation more acutely than I do. One kilometer away from there, 
on this side of the Green Line, I'm still writing, still watering the plants on 
the porch and even joking on the phone with an Italian journalist. He's a 
positive sort of guy but a little hysterical, and he's calling to ask whether 
the time has not come, Mr. Shalev, to consider emigrating to another country? No, sir, the time has not yet come, and I don't see it coming. It's true that 
I've stopped driving to the Galilee through the Jordan Valley. And I asked my 
kids not to go to shopping centers and markets that are targets for terrorist 
attacks. No, the depression I feel right now doesn't yet have anything to do 
with the fear that I or my family will be hit by a bullet or hurt by a land 
mine. It comes instead from a simple disgust I feel for my own leaders and for 
the Palestinian leadership. Fifty-three years after the Nakba, the "catastrophe," as the Arabs call the 
establishment of the State of Israel, Yasir Arafat is still repeating the same 
old Palestinian mistakes. Fifty-three years after Israel's victory in the War of 
Independence, Ariel Sharon is once again showing us that Israel is not an 
independent state. Of course, it isn't trampled by a foreign ruler. It has a 
flag and army and national anthem. But Israel is an enslaved state, enslaved to 
itself: it is fettered by fossilized thought patterns; manacled by ancient, even 
primitive, concepts; burdened by the worst yoke of all the one it has imposed on 
its own neck. In this respect, Israel is ripe for the appearance of a great liberating 
warrior, one who will free us not from the yoke of foreigners, but from 
ourselves. Someone like the sage Yochanan ben Zakkai who freed us in the first 
century from sacrificial worship in the Temple, and like Theodor Herzl, who 
freed us in the 19th century from passive waiting for the Messiah and 
deliverance. And just as those two men, each in his own time and place, freed us 
from the chains of conception and consciousness whose time had gone, so must the 
next liberator free us from the tyranny of the territories and of the settlers 
the trap we are in.  As for this curse called "the territories" or "the borders of the Promised 
Land" or "the tombs of our Patriarchs" depending on how you like to wear your 
straitjacket I shall simply state that ever since the splendid victory in the 
Six Day War, the State of Israel has been preoccupied with nothing but the 
territories with them, their metastases and their consequences. The entire 
possible budget for education, research, road building and desalination projects 
has been influenced by them. Every government coalition has been created for 
them. Every calorie both material and spiritual has been invested in them. Our 
appearance and our nature grow ugly in their image. Our strength is running out 
because of them. And worst of all is the prevailing notion that returning the 
territories is a gift we give to our enemies the failure to understand that 
giving them up is in the interest of Israel itself. To all that, Mr. Sharon has no response or revelation other than the drab 
mantra: "I have a plan." He repeats it to us twice a day. There are those who 
believe him: they assume that his plan is to drag the region into an all-out war 
and to use that opportunity to expel the Palestinians to Jordan. And there are 
those, like me, who think Mr. Sharon has no plan. He always was and still is a 
limited man, a fossil bereft of vision or inspiration. And when I hear him say 
his "I have a plan," it is hard for me not to remember the words "I have a 
dream," which resonated so movingly to me in my youth. When I hear the shooting, I don't get scared. I don't really want to know 
what Mr. Sharon's plan is. What is frightening to me is that it seems he doesn't have a dream.  | 
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Meir Shalev is the author of ``The Loves of Judith.'' This article was translated from the Hebrew by Barbara Harshav.  | 
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